Американцы азиатского происхождения все еще оказываются в ловушке стереотипа «модельное меньшинство». И это создает неравенство для всех


The face of Tou Thao haunts me. The Hmong-American police officer stood alongside with his back grew to develop into to Derek Chauvin, his partner, as Chauvin knelt on George Floyd’s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds and murdered him.

In the video that I saw, Tou Thao is in the foreground and Chauvin is partly visible in the background, George Floyd’s head pressed to the bottom. Bystanders beg Tou Thao to operate something, on myth of George Floyd used to be no longer inspiring, and as he himself acknowledged, he may perhaps perhaps likely no longer breathe.

The face of Tou Thao is love mine and no longer love mine, despite the truth that the face of George Floyd is love mine and no longer love mine too. Racism makes us focal level on the differences in our faces in space of our similarities, and in the alchemical experiment of the U.S., racial disagreement mixes with labor exploitation to create an explosive mix of profit and atrocity. In step with endemic American racism, these of us who were racially stigmatized cohere around our racial disagreement. We purchase what white other folks disfavor about us, and we convert stigmata into satisfaction, neighborhood and vitality. So it’s that Tou Thao and I are “Asian Americans,” on myth of we’re each and every “Asian,” which is fitter than being an “Oriental” or a “gook.” If being an Oriental gets us mocked and being a gook can salvage us killed, being an Asian American may perhaps perhaps likely build us. Our strength in numbers, in solidarity all over our many differences of language, ethnicity, tradition, religion, nationwide ancestry and extra, is the root of being Asian American.

Nevertheless in yet another reality, Tou Thao is Hmong and I am Vietnamese. He used to be a police officer and I am a professor. Does our being Asian carry us together all over these ethnic and class divides? Does our being Southeast Asian, each and every our communities introduced here by an American battle in our international locations, mean we glance the area in the identical plan? Did Tou Thao ride the anti-Asian racism that makes us all Asian, whether we want to be or no longer?

Let me return in time to a time being repeated this present day. Although I no longer be mindful how unprecedented I was when I saw these phrases, I even beget by no plan forgotten them: One other American driven out of industrial by the Vietnamese. Perhaps I was 12 or 13. It used to be the early 1980s, and any person had written them on a register a retailer window no longer a long way from my fogeys’ retailer. The signal puzzled me, for while I had been born in Vietnam, I had grown up in Pennsylvania and California, and had absorbed all sorts of Americana: the Mayflower and the Pilgrims; cowboys and Indians; Audie Murphy and John Wayne; George Washington and Betsy Ross; the Pledge of Allegiance; the Declaration of Independence; the guarantee of lifestyles, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; the total myth and folklore of the American Dream.

Two immigration officers ask Chinese language immigrants suspected of being Communists or deserting seamen at Ellis Island.

Bettmann Archive/Getty Pictures

Portion of that dream used to be being against communism and for capitalism, which suited my fogeys perfectly. They had been born dejected to rural households, and without principal formal training and utilizing perfect their ingenuity and traumatic work, had develop into successful merchants. They fled communist Vietnam in 1975, after losing all of their property and most of their fortune. What they carried with them–including some gold and cash sewn into the hems of their dresses–they unprecedented to purchase a home subsequent to the freeway in San Jose and to start the 2d Vietnamese grocery retailer there, in 1978. In a burst of optimism and nostalgia, they named their retailer the Recent Saigon.

I am now older than my fogeys had been when they’d to begin their lives anew on this nation, with perfect a bit of English. What they did looms in my memory as a in relation to incredible feat. In the age of coronavirus, I am unsure learn the technique to stitch a mask and effort about making an are trying for groceries. Survivors of battle, my fogeys fought to dwell again as aliens in a uncommon land, finding out to learn mortgage paperwork in yet another language, enrolling my brother and me in college, taking driver’s-license examinations. Nevertheless there used to be no manual telling them learn the technique to purchase a retailer that used to be no longer marketed as for sale. They called strangers and navigated bureaucracy to be in a region to salvage the owners and persuade them to promote, all while affected by the trauma of having lost their nation and leaving almost all their family individuals in the back of. By the level my fogeys bought the retailer, my mother’s mother had died in Vietnam. The suggestions in relation to broke her.

One plan or the opposite the person that wrote this signal saw other folks love my mother and my father as lower than human, as an enemy. Here’s why I’m no longer bowled over by the rising tide of anti-Asian racism on this nation. Sickened, sure, to hear of a girl splashed with acid on her doorstep; a person and his son slashed by a knife-wielding assailant at a Sam’s Membership; diversified other folks being called the “Chinese language virus” or the “chink virus” or told to shuffle to China, even in the occasion that they fabricate no longer look like of Chinese language descent; other folks being spat on for being Asian; other folks timid to leave their properties, no longer perfect thanks to the pandemic however moreover out of effort of being verbally or physically assaulted, or objective checked out askance. Cataloging these incidents, the poet and essayist Cathy Park Hong wrote, “We don’t beget coronavirus. We are coronavirus.”

Searching back, I’m in a position to be mindful the low-stage racism of my formative years, the slow jokes told by my Catholic-college classmates, love “Is your remaining name Nam?” and “Did you carry an AK-47 in the battle?” as effectively as extra grievous ones. I’m wondering: Did Tou Thao hear all these jokes in Minnesota? What did he hang of Fong Lee, Hmong American, 19 years unprecedented, shot eight situations, four in the back, by Minneapolis police officer Jason Anderson in 2006? Anderson used to be acquitted by an all-white jury.

A study room gentle of Chinese language young other folks in Recent York, 1900

Keystone-France/Gamma-Keystone/Getty Pictures

Confronted with anti-Asian racism from white other folks, the Hmong who came to the U.S. as refugees in the 1970s and 1980s had been generally resettled in diverse city areas, some in dominantly Dim communities the build they moreover confronted racism. “Tales abounded internal our neighborhood of battery, robberies and intimidations by our Dim neighbors,” Yia Vue wrote objective no longer too long previously. “Hmong other folks dwell aspect by aspect with their African-American neighbors in poorer sections of city, with generations of bewilderment and stereotypes peaceable strongly entrenched on all facets.” But when Fong Lee used to be killed, Dim activists rallied to his reason. “They had been the loudest voices for us,” Lee’s sister Shoua acknowledged. “They didn’t depend on to level to up. They objective confirmed up.”

Unlike the engineers and doctors who largely came from Hong Kong, Taiwan, China and India–the model minority in the American creativeness–many Hmong refugees arrived from a rural lifestyles in Laos devastated by battle. Traumatized, they had been resettled into the midst of poverty and a sophisticated history of racial oppression of which they’d puny consciousness. Even the Hmong who condemn Tou Thao and argue for solidarity with Dim Lives Topic direct that they must peaceable no longer be viewed thru the lens of the model-minority ride, must peaceable no longer be field to liberal Asian-American guilt and hand-wringing over Tou Thao as an emblem of complicity. Christian minister Ashley Gaozong Bauer, of Hmong descent, writes, “We’ve had to fragment in the collective disgrace of the model minority, however when beget Asian Americans shared in the anguish and suffering of the Hmong refugee story and threats of deportation?”

Like the Hmong, the Vietnamese love myself suffered from battle, and a few are threatened by deportation now. Unlike loads of the Hmong, a objective selection of Vietnamese refugees became, intentionally or in some other case, a phase of the model minority, including myself. The low-stage racism I experienced came about in elite environments. By the level I entered my largely white, uncommon, non-public excessive college, the message used to be firm to me and the few of us who had been of Asian descent. Most of us gathered on each day foundation in a nook of the campus and called ourselves, with a sigh, and even a wince, “the Asian invasion.” Nevertheless if that used to be a joke we made at our possess expense, it used to be moreover a prophecy, for when I returned to campus just a few years previously to give a lecture on elope to the assembled pupil physique, some 1,600 young men, I seen that if we had no longer fairly taken over, there were many extra of us almost 30 years later. Not the specter of the Asian invasion, we had been, instead, the model minority: the effectively-organized classmate, the everyday neighbor, the nonthreatening form of person of color.

Or had been we? About a Asian-American college students talked to me later on and acknowledged they peaceable felt it. The vibe. The feeling of being foreign, particularly in the occasion that they had been, or had been perceived to be, Muslim, or brown, or Center Jap. The vibe. Racism is no longer only the bodily assault. I even beget by no plan been physically assaulted thanks to my look. Nevertheless I had been assaulted by the racism of the airwaves, the ching-chong jokes of radio shock jocks, the villainous or droll japs and chinks and gooks of American battle movies and comedies. Like many Asian Americans, I learned to the truth is feel a sense of disgrace over the things that supposedly made us foreign: our meals, our language, our haircuts, our fashion, our smell, our fogeys.

What made these sentiments worse, Hong argues, used to be that we told ourselves these had been “minor feelings.” How may perhaps perhaps likely now we beget something else first price to the truth is feel or voice about elope after we, as a model minority, had been supposedly authorized by American society? On the identical time, anti-Asian sentiment remained a reservoir of major feeling from which Americans may perhaps perhaps likely gradually attract a time of disaster. Asian Americans peaceable operate no longer wield ample political vitality, or beget ample cultural presence, to scheme many of our fellow Americans hesitate in deploying a racist concept. Our unimportance and our ancient region as the perpetual foreigner in the U.S. is one reason the President and loads of others the truth is feel they’ll name COVID-19 the “Chinese language virus” or the “kung flu.”

The premise of anti-Asian racism is that Asians belong in Asia, no matter what number of generations now we beget the truth is lived in non-Asian international locations, or what we will beget performed to display our belonging to non-Asian international locations if we had been no longer born there. Pointing the finger at Asians in Asia, or Asians in non-Asian international locations, has been a tried and factual methodology of racism for a truly long time; in the U.S., it dates from the 19th century.

Japanese-American residents of Los Angeles wave a farewell to family individuals and visitors who are being deported to Japan in October 1941.

Hulton-Deutsch Sequence/Corbis/Getty Pictures

It used to be then that the U.S. imported thousands of Chinese language workers to form the transcontinental railroad. When their usefulness used to be over, American politicians, journalists and commercial leaders demonized them racially to appease white workers who felt threatened by Chinese language opponents. The outcome used to be white mobs lynching Chinese language migrants, driving them en masse out of cities and burning down Chinatowns. The climax of anti-Chinese language feeling used to be the passage of the 1882 Chinese language Exclusion Act, the first racially discriminatory immigration law in American history, which would turn Chinese language entering the U.S. into the nation’s first unlawful immigrant inhabitants. The Immigration and Naturalization Carrier used to be created, policing Chinese language immigration and figuring out Chinese language who had advance into the U.S. as “paper sons,” who claimed a fictive relation to the Chinese language who had already managed to advance back into the nation. As the political scientist Janelle Wong tells me, while “European immigrants had been confronted with popular hostility, they by no plan faced the form of apt racial restrictions on immigration and naturalization that Asian Americans experienced.”

American history has been marked by the cycle of immense firms counting on cheap Asian labor, which threatened the white working class, whose fears had been stoked by elope-baiting politicians and media, resulting in catastrophic events love the Chinese language Exclusion Act and the internment of Japanese Americans in 1942. The individual that wrote that signal I be mindful seeing as a baby, blaming the Vietnamese for destroying American firms, used to be simply telling a story referring to the yellow wretchedness that used to be gradually on hand for scared Americans.

The truth used to be that downtown San Jose in the 1970s and 1980s used to be shabby, a elope-down space the build almost no person desired to start recent firms, other than for Vietnamese refugees. This present day, Americans depend on China and other Asian international locations for fairly priced commodities that aid Americans dwell the American Dream, then turn around and blame the Chinese language for the shortcoming of American jobs or the upward thrust of American vulnerability to economic opponents.

It is more easy responsible a foreign nation or a minority, and even politicians who negotiate commerce agreements, than to name the real vitality: firms and economic elites who shift jobs, maximize profit on the expense of workers and care nothing for working Americans. To acknowledge this reality is a long way too annoying for many Americans, who resort to blaming Asians as a more easy answer. Asian Americans have not forgotten this anti-Asian history, and yet many beget hoped that it used to be in the back of them. The slur of the “Chinese language virus” has printed how fragile our acceptance and inclusion used to be.

In the face of renewed attacks on our American belonging, the used presidential candidate Andrew Yang supplied this resolution: “We Asian Americans want to comprise and level to our Americanness in ways we by no plan beget ahead of … We must peaceable level to with out a shadow of a doubt that we’re Americans who will operate our phase for our nation on this time of need.” Many Asian Americans took offense at his name, which regarded as if it may perhaps likely speak feel sorry about for our Asian-American existence. Yang’s critics identified that Asian Americans beget literally wrapped themselves in the American flag in situations of anti-Asian disaster; beget donated to white neighbors and fellow citizens in emergencies; and died for this nation struggling with in its wars. And is there something else extra American than joining the police? Did Tou Thao hang he used to be proving his belonging by turning correct into a cop?

None of these efforts beget prevented the cussed persistence of anti-Asian racism. Calling for added sacrifices simply reiterates the sense that Asian Americans are likely to be no longer American and must gradually display an Americanness that ought to no longer want to be confirmed. Japanese Americans had to display their Americanness all the plan thru World Warfare II by struggling with against Germans and Japanese while their households had been incarcerated, however German and Italian Americans by no plan had to display their Americanness to the identical extent. German and Italian Americans had been selectively imprisoned for suspected or accurate disloyalty, while Japanese Americans had been incarcerated en masse, their elope marking them as un-American.

Asian Americans are caught between the perception that we’re inevitably foreign and the temptation that we may perhaps perhaps likely objective also be allied with white other folks in a nation constructed on white supremacy. In consequence, anti-Dim (and anti-brown and anti-Native) racism runs deep in Asian-American communities. Immigrants and refugees, including Asian ones, know that we generally beget to start low on the ladder of American success. Nevertheless no matter how low down we’re, we know that America permits us to stand on the shoulders of Dim, brown and Native other folks. Throughout Asian-American history, Asian immigrants and their descendants were supplied the opportunity by each and every Dim other folks and white other folks to steal facets in the Dim-white racial divide, and now we beget a long way too generally chosen the white aspect. Asian Americans, while actively extreme of anti-Asian racism, have not gradually stood up against anti-Dim racism. Steadily, now we beget long gone alongside with the region quo and affiliated with white other folks.

The Japanese owner of this grocery retailer in Oakland, California shows a signal reminding pedestrians of his loyalties to America, and no longer Japan, in 1944.

Library of Congress/Corbis/VCG/Getty Pictures

And yet there were vocal Asian Americans who beget called for solidarity with Dim other folks and folks of color, from the activist Yuri Kochiyama, who cradled a dying Malcolm X, to the activist Grace Lee Boggs, who settled in Detroit and engaged in serious, radical organizing and theorizing alongside with her Dim husband James Boggs. Kochiyama and Lee Boggs had been a long way from the correct Asian Americans who argued that Asian Americans must peaceable no longer stand alone or stand objective for themselves. The very timeframe Asian American, coined in the 1960s by Yuji Ichioka and Emma Gee and adopted by college pupil activists, used to be dropped at nationwide consciousness by a trot that used to be about higher than objective defending Asian Americans against racism and promoting an Asian-American identification.

Asian-American activists saw their trot as moreover being antiwar, anti-imperialism and anticapitalism. Taking inspiration from the 1955 Bandung Conference, a gathering of nonaligned African and Asian countries, and from Mao, they positioned themselves in a international fight against colonialism with other colonized peoples. Mao moreover impressed radical African Americans, and the leisurely 1960s in the U.S. used to be a moment when radical activists of all backgrounds saw themselves as phase of a Third World trot that linked the uprisings of racial minorities with a international come up against capitalism, racism, colonialism and battle.

The legacy of the Third World and Asian-American movements continues this present day amongst Asian-American activists and students, who beget long argued that Asian Americans, thanks to their history of experiencing racism and labor exploitation, offer a radical doable for contesting the worst aspects of American society. Nevertheless the higher than 22 million Asian Americans, over 6% of the American inhabitants, beget many diversified nationwide and ethnic origins and ancestries and situations of immigration or settlement. In consequence, we generally beget divergent political viewpoints. This present day’s Asian Americans are being supplied two paths: the radical future imagined by the Asian-American trot, and the user model symbolized by drinking boba tea and being attentive to K-pop. Whereas Asian Americans extra and extra building Democratic, we’re a long way from all being radical.

What generally unifies Asian Americans and enrages us is anti-Asian racism and abolish, starting up with the anti-Chinese language violence and virulence of the 19th century and persevering with thru incidents love a white gunman killing five Vietnamese and Cambodian refugee young other folks in a Stockton, Calif., college in 1989, and yet another white gunman killing six individuals of a Sikh gurdwara in Wisconsin in 2012. The abolish of Vincent Chin, killed in 1982 by white Detroit autoworkers who mistook him for Japanese, remains a rallying bawl. As operate the Los Angeles riots, or uprisings, of 1992, when principal of Koreatown used to be burned down by largely Dim and brown looters while the LAPD watched. Korean-American merchants suffered about half of the commercial hurt. Two Asian Americans had been killed in the violence.

All of this is reason for mourning, remembrance and outrage, however so is something else: the 61 folks who died had been no longer Asian, and the bulk of them had been Dim or brown. Many of the higher than 12,000 other folks who had been arrested had been moreover Dim or brown. Briefly, Korean Americans suffered economic losses, as effectively as emotional and psychic hurt, that may perhaps perhaps likely proceed for years later on. Nevertheless they’d property to lose, they in most cases failed to pay the price of their tenuous Americanness thru the identical lack of lifestyles or liberty as experienced by their Dim and brown clients and neighbors.

Many Korean Americans had been angry on myth of they felt the city’s law-enforcement and political leadership had sacrificed them by preventing the unrest from reaching the whiter ingredients of the city, making Korean Americans undergo the brunt of the long-simmering rage of Dim and brown Angelenos over poverty, segregation and abusive police therapy. In the aftermath, Koreatown used to be rebuilt, despite the truth that no longer all of the shopkeepers recovered their livelihoods. One of the valuable cash that rebuilt Koreatown came, ironically, from South Korea, which had enjoyed a decades-long transformation into an economic powerhouse. South Korean capital, and in the waste South Korean pop tradition, particularly cinema and K-pop, became cooler and extra standard than the Korean immigrants who had left South Korea for the American Dream. Although economic fight peaceable outlined a objective deal of Korean immigrant lifestyles, it used to be overshadowed by the general American perception of Asian-American success, and by the recent ingredient of Asian capital and opponents.

Here’s what it technique to be a model minority: to be invisible in most circumstances on myth of we’re doing what we’re speculated to be doing, love my fogeys, till we develop into hypervisible on myth of we’re doing what we offer out too effectively, love the Korean shopkeepers. Then the model minority turns into the Asian invasion, and the Asian-American model minority, which had served to display the success of capitalism, bears the blame when capitalism fails.

Now to no longer mumble that we undergo the brunt of capitalism. Situated all the plan thru America’s fraught racial family, we ranking, on the total, extra advantages from American capitalism than Dim, brown or Indigenous peoples, even supposing many of us moreover ride poverty and marginalization. Whereas just a few of us operate die from police abuse, it would no longer happen on the identical scale as that directed against Dim, brown or Indigenous peoples. Whereas we offer out ride segregation and racism and hostility, we’re moreover extra likely to dwell in integrated neighborhoods than Dim or Indigenous other folks. To the extent that we ride profit thanks to our elope, we’re moreover complicit in conserving up a system that disadvantages Dim, brown and Indigenous other folks thanks to their elope.

Given our tenuous space in American society, no surprise so many Asian Americans must want to display their Americanness, or to dream of acceptance by a white-dominated society, or condemn Tou Thao as no longer one of “us.” Nevertheless when Asian Americans keep in touch of their broad collective, with origins from East to West Asia and Souв Юго-Восточную Азию, кто «мы», что мы тратим? Элитный мультикультурализм цветных лиц в чрезмерных местах – это благородная политика представительства, которая специализируется на ассимиляции. Прощай, исключенный из американского образа жизни, помеченный как неосуществимый инопланетянин и вечный иностранец, попросил, чтобы мы построили аванс, и похвалили наших английских, азиатских иммигрантов и их потомков, страстно стремились спланировать эту нацию, которой мы обладаем. Тем не менее, с точки зрения многих тусклых, коричневых и других коренных народов, эта нация раньше строилась на их порабощении, их отчуждении, их стирании, их вынужденной миграции, их заключении, их сегрегации, их злоупотреблении, их эксплуатируемом труде и их колонизации. р>

Для многих, если не для всех тусклых, коричневых и других коренных народов, американская мечта – это фарс, такой же главный, как трагедия. Возможно, мультикультурализм, возможно, является объективной схемой, в которой нам кажется, что истина кажется объективной, однако, возможно, это, вероятно, скорее всего, цель больше не создает Американскую мечту; репарации, экономическое перераспределение, а также защита или отмена полиции, возможно, возможно. p>

Если опыт хмонга очень тщательно сочетается с провалом «Американской мечты», что означает, что некоторые американцы азиатского происхождения миролюбиво отдают предпочтение своему фрагменту? Если мы разглашаем Америку, то мы всегда должны разглашать всю Америку, ее надежду и ее лицемерие, ее прибыль и ее страдания, ее свободу и ее потери, ее испорченный союз и ее продолжающуюся сегрегацию. P>

Поэтому быть азиатом-американцем парадоксально, потому что быть азиатом-американцем – это ценно и недостаточно. Быть азиатом-американцем очень ценно, потому что имя и идентификация дают нам возможность подготовиться, что позволяет нам быть выше, чем «незначительные чувства». Я очень хорошо помнил, как однажды стал вторым американцем из Азии, когда я перешел в Калифорнийский университет в Беркли, ступил в кампус и был поражен интеллектуальными и политическими молниями. Благодаря моим азиатско-американским опытным функциям и моим коллегам-активистам Азиатско-американского политического альянса я больше не был безликой фазой «азиатского вторжения». Я был азиатом-американцем. У меня было лицо, проблема, репутация, рысь, история, сознание, ярость. Эта ярость – главное чувство, заставляющее меня отказаться от покорной политики извинений, которую требует некритическое принятие американской мечты. P>

Тем не менее, ярость, которая лежит в основе азиатско-американской рыси – праведная ярость, гнев за справедливость, признание, искупление – больше не была в регионе, чтобы победить превращение рыси в правильное расширение возможностей идентификации. Кроме того, азиатско-американская идентификация в своем наиболее разбавленном виде является началом антидимского расизма, признания колонизации и разжигания американской вечной боевой машины, которую американцы в каждом месте в демократической и республиканской партиях считают фаза США p>

Общенациональная гвардия на параде корейского удовлетворения в Лос-Анджелесе 29 апреля 1992 года после беспорядков, охвативших город после того, как три из четырех полицейских, обвиняемых в избиении Родни Кинга в 1991 году, были сняты со всех обвинений. p>

Тед Соки – Корбис / Getty Pictures p> DIV> DIV> DIV> DIV> DIV>

Мое присутствие здесь, в этой стране, и в моей стране, и в большинстве случаев вьетнамцев и хмонгов, произошло благодаря так называемой войне во Вьетнаме в Юго-Восточной Азии, которую США помогли вести. Битва в Лаосе раньше называлась «Тайной войной» по мифу о том, что ЦРУ провело ее и держало в секрете от других американцев. В Лаосе хмонги были меньшинством без гражданства, и нация назвала их самими, и советники ЦРУ пообещали хмонгам, что в случае, если они сражаются вместе с ними, США будут приобретать опеку над хмонгом в каждой победе. и поражение, скорее всего, даже служение им развивает их самодостаточное пространство для запуска. Около 58 000 хмонгов, сражавшихся с американцами, погибли, сражаясь с коммунистами и спасая сбитых американских пилотов, выполнявших секретные бомбардировочные миссии над Лаосом. Когда битва закончилась, ЦРУ оставило большинство своих союзников-хмонгов, совершив ничтожное число в иностранном государстве в Таиланде. Те, кто остался позади, подвергались преследованиям со стороны своих коммунистических врагов. P>

Вот почему лицо То Тао преследует меня. Не объективный в мифе о нас, возможно, возможно, возможно, объективный свидетель в некотором поверхностном плане как американцы азиатского происхождения, однако в мифе о том, что он и я здесь, благодаря этой американской истории битвы. Битва была для нас трагедией, как и для тусклых американцев, которых послали «гарантировать свободу в Юго-Восточной Азии, которую они больше не нашли в юго-западной Грузии и Восточном Гарлеме», как Мартин Лютер Кинг-младший Страстно утверждал в своей речи 1967 года «Предыдущий Вьетнам». В этой радикальной речи он осуждает уже не объективный расизм, а капитализм, милитаризм, американский империализм и американскую боевую машину, «лучшего поставщика насилия в регионе в наши дни». В еще одной речи он требует, чтобы мы зависели от нашего «всеобщего общества», которое планирует «из-за расточительности, которая приходит к выводу, что советы по расизму, рекомендации по промышленной эксплуатации и советы по битве связаны между собой». р>

Крошка изменилась. США – миролюбивая нация, построенная на битве и для битвы. Вот почему «Вьетнам», который планирует войну во Вьетнаме, продолжает преследовать эту нацию, застрявшую в вечной битве. И именно поэтому лицо То Тао преследует меня. Это лицо любого человека, который разделяет лишь некоторые из моей истории и выполнил то, что я стараюсь сделать, столкнувшись с несправедливостью – ничего. Обращаясь к Тоу Тао, поэт Май Дер Ванг, более того, Хмонг, написала в своей поэме «В год разнообразия»: «Дарт живет вместе с самим собой после того, что ты не сделал». Тао раньше была «соучастницей в добавлении к совершению жизненных сил на шее… Ни при каких обстоятельствах правда не должна быть санкционирована / постепенно становится пешкой». В то время как образ жизни хмонг-американского полицейского, произошедшего от беженцев, отличается от образа жизни стереотипной модели – китайский язык меньшинства – американский инженер или вьетнамско-американский писатель любят меня, реальный выбор остается прежним. Командный дух или соучастие. Стремление к противодействию оскорбительной жизненной силе или поддержка нашей спины переросли в злоупотребление жизненной силой. Если мы, американцы азиатского происхождения, крадем последнее, мы, безусловно, являемся образцовым меньшинством, и мы заслуживаем всех и каждого его привилегий и его опасностей. P>

Мы советуем быть каждым американцем азиатского происхождения и учитывать международный опыт, в котором американцы азиатского происхождения не имеют никакой ценности. Здесь больше нет области ассимиляции или мультикультурализма. Вот противоречие, унаследованное от основного противоречия, связывающего американское политическое телосложение, его стремление к равенству для всех, уверенное в его стремлении расходовать землю и расово помеченное другими людьми, начиная с самого истоков американского общества и его завоеваний. коренных народов и ввоз африканских рабов. США являются примером успешной миссии колонизации, идеально мы предлагаем больше не называть колонизацию этим именем здесь. В качестве замены мы называем успешную колонизацию «Американская мечта». Вот почему, как говорит Май Дер Ванг, «американская мечта больше не будет строить нас». P>

«Американцы азиатского происхождения» больше не должны существовать на земле, где все американцы выглядят одинаково, однако благодаря стойкости расизма и потребности капитализма в справедливой расовой рабочей силе «азиатские американцы», безусловно, существуют. Конец идеального американца азиатского происхождения происходит с концом расизма и капитализма. Столкнувшись с этим советом, американцы-азиаты, возможно, возможно, скорее всего, будут также целью извинения, пытаясь показать американственность, которая не может быть доказана. Или, может быть, мы, вероятно, вероятно, являемся объективной целью и стать моделью справедливости и опроса о более высоком экономическом и социальном равенстве для нас и для всех американцев. P>

Если мы недовольны провалами и препятствиями нашей нации, напечатанными для нас с абсолютной читабельностью во время всего плана в период коронавируса, то сейчас пришло время заменить нашу нацию на более высокую. В то время как вы зависаете, Америка находится в бедственном положении, обвиняют акционеров, больше не иммигрантов; свидетель генеральных директоров, больше не иностранцы; негодующие фирмы, уже не меньшинства; рыдайте на политиков всех сторон, уже не на слабых, которые становятся ничтожными в расслоении. Многие американцы всех слоев общества помечают это лучше, чем в 1992 году. Тогда разгневанные демонстранты сожгли Кореа-таун. Теперь они мирно окружают Белую резиденцию. P>

Подчеркнем, что высокоэффективные и богатые фрагменты их жизненной силы и их богатства – это то, что замышляет Америка. Кроме того, бегство продолжит нас разделять. Чтобы найти То Тао, весь план через деление Дим-Хмонга или деление Дима на Азию, как если бы бегство было правильным советом и правильным ответом, скрывает роковую статистику: в 2015 году общенациональная цена бедности составляла 15,1% в то время как цена для афроамериканцев составляла около 24,1%, а для хмонгов – 28,3%. p>

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